Global Journal of Human Social Science, C: Sociology and Culture, Volume 23 Issue 2
© 2023 Global Journals Volume XXIII Issue II Version I 28 ( ) Global Journal of Human Social Science - Year 2023 C “If you haven’t been Exploited, you are not in the Live Music Industry”: Decent Work and Informality in the Live Music Ecosystem in South Africa from established venue owners, festival promoters, performers, and musicians” (Joffe and Wangusa 2022). A critical absence is in adequate basic business support from the provision of services, spaces or skills training, contract support such as standard agreements for promoters, musicians, booking agents and managers or event planning for small festivals. VI. F inal T houghts and O pportunities for S upport Our research into live music reveals an ecosystem that is struggling, in which decent work conditions are largely absent across the live music value chain, and in which for some, insecurity has become critical. While there is indeed some evidence of decent work, this is largely confined to the established larger players in the formal economy (venues and festivals). All other spaces for live music in the formal economy and most of the informal economy is fraught with decent work deficits from unpair pay, exploitative conditions, gender inequality, and poor health and safety provision. The live music ecosystem responses to the Decent Work indicators also reveals inadequacies in the ILO's primary policy response of formalisation (ILO 2018). These CCW work experiences show that the drivers of informality remain powerful, namely, in the ILO’s own words, “the economic context, the legal, regulatory and policy framework’s and to some micro level determinants such as a low level of education, discrimination, poverty and … lack of markets” (ILO n.d.). In the absence of these drivers being addressed, the existence and growth of the informal economy is assured. New developments such as digital technologies have also facilitated the shift to informal working. This interrogation of formalisation needs to accommodate the large number of people working in the informal economy, since “supporting the working poor in the informal economy is a key pathway to reducing poverty and inequality” (Chen 2012, p. 6). A dominant focus therefore on enforcing formalisation could “drive the informal economy underground or may reduce the informal economy in ways harmful to those (previously and perhaps still) dependent upon it” (Brown et al. 2014: 11). In this regard it is necessary to bring this literature on the atypical and precarious nature of CCW into conversation with that on informality to better understand informal cultural value chains and work relationships i n the CCE. This is because informal cultural and creative workers are not necessarily similar to those in the rest of the informal economy where labour intensity and low skill is more common, and earnings are low. Rather, in the CCE there can be substantial capital investment, both self-taught skills and formally acquired skills even tertiary education, and the possibility (not guarantee) of high incomes earned (Comunian and England 2020; SACO 2019). Eveleigh (2013) expounds on the affordances of informality: “While this segment of the Creative Economy looks (and is in a structural sense) chaotic, unregulated and mostly disorganised (in the sense of representative associations able to engage and lobby the state), practically it is effective, productive, flexible and – in respective arts disciplines – skilled, even where self-taught, exhibiting a high degree of business acumen (even where management and accounting functions are weak”. The live music ecosystem needs a well- managed circuit for venues which combine dedicated live music spaces with related spaces such as restaurants, clubs, pubs, and hotels. It will also require a well-defined strategy (focusing on both remuneration and musical rights) for digital uptake so that musicians are able to self-record, live stream and promote their own content. Social capital in the form of solidarity within the live music ecosystem has been found to be supportive especially when combined with mentoring, infrastructure access and financial support. Th ere are several areas where opportunities exist to support the live music ecosystem and enhance its status. As one respondent simply stated: “afford the sector the same respect as any other sector”. First, there is increased potential to earn income from livestreaming and post the livestreaming performance 12 . The exposure livestreaming offers locally and globally and the reach beyond the core metropolitan urban centres can be leveraged for branding, marketing and collaborations, but would require attention to data costs and those relating to studio time (CSA 2021: 24-29). Second, are the opportunities to be gleaned from the robust evidence-based research currently being conducted by government, agencies and consultancies such as the DTI, SACO, Concerts SA, IKS 12 The Concerts SA study reported that the majority of respondents (60%) had “given exclusive rights to the master recording to the artist. 30% reported agreeing to an equal sharing arrangement between the venue/platform and artist. For 10% of participants, the venue/platform retains exclusive rights ownership” (CSA, 2021: 24). Despite the recognition in the literature that precariousness and CCW is axiomatic, the context of high unemployment and the extent of the informal economy in South Africa means that there are gradients of precariousness in CCW not seen in Global North contexts. This is overlaid by the legacy of Apartheid which institutionalised racism and discrimination against black people. That this precariousness is deepened if you are a black woman living in informal settlements with poor education, is clear; but that this precariousness is further deepened if most of your live music income is derived from work that cannot be considered decent by any indicators set by the ILO and by a lack of legislative coverage – whether labour standards or social protection- is not often recognised.
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