Global Journal of Human Social Science, C: Sociology and Culture, Volume 23 Issue 3

although participants entangled identities underlie their experiences, that salience and importance of identity can differ for many (see Bowleg, 2012 for participants’ discussions of being Black men first, bisexual second). We will examine the intersectionality of their identities, while allowing participants to elaborate on identities that are the most meaningful to them in any given situation. Minority Stress Theory also guided the methods – particularly in the exploration of the challenging aspects of the bisexual women of color’s lived experiences. In Meyer’s (2003) examination of minority stress as it pertains to sexual minoritized individuals, minority stress is defined as the stress experienced because of discrimination and stigma aimed at one’s marginalized and minoritized identities. The theory highlights the events that lead to this additional and unique stress, the feelings and behaviors that result from stress, coping methods, and health implications (see also Cyrus, 2017 for the examination of LGBTQ+ BIPOC in particular). Despite the stress and challenges of having multiple minoritized identities, racial/ethnic minoritized individuals and families can show amazing and varied resiliency in response to adversity (McCubbin et al., 1998). Resiliency involves an interactive process of the interpretation of, response to, and coping with ones experiences, and is influenced by the relationships, institutions, and power dynamics that form the context of an individual’s experience (Greene, 2002). Bisexual women of color must navigate the stresses, but also the positives inherent in being themselves and in existing in the larger society. In this study, we consider intersectionality, minority stress, and resiliency in exploring the intentions and experiences of bisexual women of color in their day-to-day lives. II. M ethods This study was conducted using Porter’s (1998) interpretation of Husserlian descriptive phenomenology with the purpose of describing the essence of individuals’ lived experience (Husserl, 1962; Porter, 1998; Porter & Cohen, 2012). Phenomenology describes the commonalities in experiences of a particular group (Creswell, 2013), while allowing for the examination of counter cases (i.e., experiences that are dissimilar to most individuals in the sample) to the phenomenon (Husserl, 1962; Porter 1998). Porter’s (1998) approach to descriptive phenomenology involves reviewing participants’ descriptions of their life experiences and creating a taxonomy or nested classification scheme for the experience. Participants’ intentions form the most basic units of data and involve actions and behaviors. Essentially, an intention is what a participant was doing or trying to do in and with their experiences. Related intentions group together to form component phenomena , which in turn comprise the subcomponents of the main phenomena – in this case, describing the experience of being a bisexual woman of color (Porter, 1998; Porter & Cohen, 2012). Porter’s method also allows for the analysis of the context of experience or life world (i.e., element, descriptor, and feature; Porter, 1998; Porter & Cohen, 2012). Although other qualitative methods may have been appropriate, Porter’s descriptive phenomenology approach was particularly well suited for this study since the purpose was to describe the experiences and intentions of being a bisexual woman of color. As part of the Husserlian descriptive phenomenology method, we bracketed or set aside our expectations, presumptions, and feelings so that we were more open to interviewees’ expressions of their experiences (Porter, 1998; Tufford & Newman, 2012). We bracketed before and throughout the interviewing process, during data analyses, and while reflecting on the results (Porter, 1998). We endeavored to set aside our personal perspectives and not project them into the participants’ narratives (Tufford & Newman, 2012). a) Author Positionality The coauthors are individuals of different races, ages, sexual orientations, and genders. The first author identifies as a bisexual Black cisgender woman who is in her 30’s. She has had mostly had positive experiences in life in general as a bisexual woman of color but has experienced negativity in the form of discrimination and differential treatment related to her minoritized identities. At the societal level, she is aware of the stereotypes about Black women (e.g., loud, bossy, angry), and about bisexual people (e.g., confused, indiscriminate when it come to their attractions to others or willingness to engage in sexual activity with others). She acknowledges that it is unlikely that she recognizes all the ways in which she may be disadvantaged, especially the ways in which the intersectionality of her identities impacts her opportunities and interactions with others. She is also sure that she fails to fully appreciate and recognize privileges that she does have related to ability, social class, language, etc. This transparency is necessary, in part, because her experiences (and wondering about others’ experiences) have partially inspired this study. Her experiences and upbringing may not be the same as other bisexual women of color, and in reflecting, she attempted to recognize her own biases and experiences with identity formation, sexual orientation disclosure, and the ways her status as a bisexual woman of color has affected her day to day. She did her utmost to let participants speak their truths in interviews and respect their voices in the analyses. The co-authors are a cisgender male and a cisgender female who are older adults. Neither are LGBTQ+ individuals and both are White. They have © 2023 Global Journals Volume XXIII Issue III Version I 16 ( ) Global Journal of Human Social Science - Year 2023 C “The In-Between Spaces of Those Labels”: Exploring the Challenges and Positives of Being a Bisexual Woman of Color