Global Journal of Management and Business Research, A: Administration and Management, Volume 23 Issue 9

Moreover, 81.2% of workers in the informal sector are men. Nevertheless, the measures adopted by the public authorities favour the development of the private sector, and take a greater interest in the situation of women in the labour market and in entrepreneurship (Stossier, 2023; P Paquin, 2021; Doubogan, 2019). Tunisia is at the forefront of women's rights in the Arab world. Since the adoption of the Personal Status Code (CSP) in 1956, Tunisian women have become more involved in the country's development. More and more women now occupy management positions at the highest levels of the civil service and the private sector. Tunisian women have a literacy rate of 72% and account for 42% of higher education students. However, these figures mask a more mixed reality and highlight geographical and social disparity, even though social institutions are deeply rooted in codes, norms, values and legal traditions, leading to potential gender discrimination. The legal status of Tunisian women has undergone significant change and has given rise to much debate in society. According to Mejjati (2001), the ratification of several international conventions and the mobilisation of civil society and women's movements have led to changes in favour of women's rights. The new Labour Code abolished the husband's right to prohibit his wife from carrying out a public activity and introduced the principle of non-discrimination between men and women in matters of employment and pay. Married women are now free to engage in paid employment. Women's entrepreneurship is also increasingly valued (Bouchikhi, 2014; Kante, 2020). Boussetta (2013) added that in a context of economic restructuring imposed by international financial bodies, Tunisia has become aware of the importance of the contribution of women entrepreneurs to economic development and has drawn up programmes to promote the creation of businesses by young Moroccan women, even if there is still strong resistance (Elazzaoui, 2019; Florent Tasso, 2021). Nevertheless, cumbersome administrative procedures, complex regulations, high production costs, difficulties in accessing finance and a lack of support are major obstacles for women entrepreneurs (World Bank, 2012; Hobad et al., 2023). f) Socio-Cultural Context The Islamic ideology prevalent in Tunisia contributed to the construction of relations between the masculine and the feminine and to the hierarchisation of the genders. Her role was to look after her home, her children and her husband. She was the guardian of sacred values that she was responsible for passing on to her children. Women were often denied access to financial resources and certain trades. In this sense, Diehl, Koenig and Ruckdeschel (2009); Inglehart and Norris (2003) and ABOUSAID (2023) consider religion to be one of the main causes of the gendered division and unequal distribution of power between men and women. Women's work is now increasingly valued (Nair, 2003; Florent Tasso, 2021; Oukaci et al., 2019), and men are increasingly accepting that their wives work outside the home and travel on business, a situation that was unthinkable a few years ago (Naciri, 2002; Latrous, 2021). This is due to the schooling of girls, advances in women's rights and the entry of women into the labour market (Himrane, 2019; Hobad et al., 2023). For Minces (1996), reformists call for a reinterpretation of Islam, questioning its restrictive interpretation which has transformed the spirit of the Koran and the Sunna into instruments for the enslavement of women. Traditionalists, on the other hand, are opposed to any reinterpretation of the religion (Benradi, 1999; Tijari and Smouni, 2023; Latrous, 2021), and believe that the Koran already grants the ability to produce and manage wealth (Kebe, 2004; Oukaci et al., 2019). They argue that the Koran refers to the functions of men and women without any hierarchy. The fact remains that Tunisian culture remains patriarchal. A number of studies have shown that social representations are still dominated by the supremacy of the male gender and by a radical distinction between the sexes, to the detriment of the female gender (Benradi, 2006; Zirari, 2006; Félix, 2020; Bensoula et al., 2021). In rural areas, women's participation in decision-making is stigmatised, since a family identified by the mother is perceived negatively (Harrami, 2005; Tijari and Smouni, 2023). For Zirari (2006), politics is a domain reserved for men, so women's participation remains timid, and certain categories of women remain excluded, discriminated against and underprivileged in terms of education. It is then up to us to put forward the following hypotheses: Hypothesis 1: Professional women enjoy greater credibility and legitimacy in relation to their qualifications and profession. Hypothesis 2: The traditional roles of women mean that female entrepreneurs encounter more difficulties linked to the perceived mismatch between their status as women and their position as business leaders. Hypothesis 3: Women in cooperatives, who receive less support from their family and social circle, are likely to find themselves isolated and vulnerable. III. M ethodology For this purpose, we are adopting a qualitative methodology to understand the situation of women entrepreneurs in Tunisia, and to be able to put forward recommendations to help improve their situation. According to Deslauriers (1991), qualitative research Challenges and Prospects for Women Entrepreneurs in Tunisia Global Journal of Management and Business Research ( A ) XXIII Issue IX Version I Year 2023 43 © 2023 Global Journals